Among the oils imported into Early Bronze Age Babylonia, almond oil is attested for a maximum of two centuries, in the Sargonic period and in the time of Gudea of Lagaš and his dynasty, from ca. 2300 to 2100.
1. Wild and Domesticated Almonds
Almond trees are not native to lowland Mesopotamia, and although almonds are “sometimes cultivated on the plains” in modern times (Townsend/Guest/Al-Raqi 1966: 161), they were not grown in the tree gardens of the Ur III period which did contain various exotic trees such as the olive tree (Heimpel 2011; see Dossier A.1.2.01). Therefore, almond oil was imported from a mountainous and dry region of Southwestern Asia where almonds grew naturally.
Wild forms of almonds “are identified as the main progenitor of the domesticated varieties […]. They differ from the cultivars mainly by their smaller fruits, harder shells with fewer pits and their intensely bitter seed.“ (Zohary/Hopf/Weiss 2012: 147). The domesticated almond, Amygdalus communis L. (Rosaceae), “probably one of the earliest, fruit tree domesticants in Old World agriculture“, is “closely related to an aggregate of wild forms native to the Levant countries” (ibid.). Almonds are attested in archaeological layers from the Early Bronze Age Levant and it is assumed that they were cultivated at the same time as grapevine and olive (Zohary/Hopf/Weiss 2012: 149). However: “Almonds were apparently collected from the wild long before the plant’s domestication. It is unclear how to differentiate between wild and domesticated almond shells in archaeological finds (endocarp)“ (Zohary/Hopf/Weiss 2012: 148); and “early archaeological remains of almonds […] do not permit a clear distinction between wild and cultivated forms” (Zohary/Hopf 1988: 162). Although almond oil is obtained from the domesticated Sweet Almond today, the wild forms are also still collected in rural societies. Oil contents of various wild almond species in Iran varied from 44.4% to 51.4%, whereas the oil level of the domesticated Sweet Almond is somewhat higher (Moayedi/Rezaei/Moini/Keshavarz 2011). Wild species are usually avoided because of their bitter taste, but “regardless of the taste, wild almond species can be considered as potential sources of vegetable oil“ (Moayedi/Rezaei/Moini/Keshavarz 2011: 508).
2. Almond Oil Imported to Mesopotamia
In early Mesopotamia, almond oil seems to have been used in the same way as other oils, namely for anointing, and not for food (see below). Taste was thus not relevant, but the high quality of almond oil in skin-care is generally acknowledged nowadays, seen as a soothing, moisturising and intensively nourishing oil. Therefore, the imported oil may easily have been pressed from the bitter wild almond.
The identification of Akkadian šiqdum[glossary=šiqdum] (in Sumerian documents written ši-iq-dum[glossary=ši-iq-dum]) as „almond“ is based on the meaning „almond“ in the Semitic cognates: Aramaic šigdā and Hebrew šāqēd (AHw. 1247; CAD Š/3 95 [1992]), the latter more similar to the form šāqidum used in Old Babylonian Mari (Durand 2001: 132). „Almond oil“ appears in Sumerian documents only, and therefore the noun phrase i3 šiqdum (i3 ši-iq-dum[glossary=i3 ši-iq-dum]) is formed according to Sumerian rules (like i3 serdum) with šiqdum „almond“ qualifying the noun i3 „oil“; only rarely was the Akkadian genitive employed: i3 šiqdim „oil of almond“ (Sargonic only IM 204816 = P513715 o.2; Lagash II three times: AGGT 572 r. i 5; RTC 215 o.1; AO 03411 o.1).
The „almond oil“ of the documents was a genuine oil pressed from almonds and not an aromatized oil (such as i3 eren „cedar oil“), since it itself appears as „aromatized almond oil“, i3 ši-iq-dim du10-ga (AGGT 572 r. i 5; RTC 215 o.1).1Differently Foster 1982: 122 sub i3 du10-ga; on aromatized oils see Brunke/Sallaberger 2010 Interestingly, in one single document from Gudea’s palace archive (ca. 2140–2100 BCE) appears an entry for a bottle of „sweet oil“ (i3 matqum, i3 ma-at-qum[glossary=i3 ma-at-qum]) preceding the entry for „almond oil“ (i3 šiqdum; RTC 109). This „sweet oil“ could refer to oil made from the domesticated „sweet almond“ (Amygdalus communis; CAD Š/3 95), but the designation does not appear elsewhere in the cuneiform record, even in later periods (CAD M/1 413), and thus such an identification must remain very uncertain.
In conclusion, a probable scenario is that the almond oil attested in Mesopotamian sources was made from wild almonds in a mountainous region. The only textual witness to almond oil sent from abroad as a diplomatic gift suggests that Western Iran was the source of almond oil in the Sargonic period: the large amount of 2 „jars“ (dug), thus probably 60 sila/litres, were sent by the „governor of Garanene“ (gara3-ne.neki), a town situated in the east, in the region of „Greater Elam“, perhaps somewhere in the general area of Khuzistan (see Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015: 123, Schrakamp 2015: 237 with note 455). This sending of delicacies as prestige goods by a local ruler indicates an eastern origin of almond oil in the Zagros region (ca. 2300-2230 BCE; IM 204816).
The long and complicated transport routes minimized the importation of almond oil in Mesopotamia, and no more than a dozen references are known today, seven from the Sargonic period from Girsu and Umma, and five from the palace archive of Gudea’s dynasty at Girsu; the quantities are no more than one or two vessels or several litres of almond oil so that little more than 300 litres of almond oil are attested in cuneiform sources for a period of more than one century. Since various collections of tablets ultimately stem from the palaces of provincial governors (Sargonic Adab, Sargonic and Lagash II Girsu) or from organizations involved in oil distribution (Umma C), this low quota of almond oil is remarkable. It can be contrasted, for example, with the attested amounts of sesame seeds in the archive of their earliest appearance, Middle Sargonic Adab, where quantities of around 2000–2500 sila/litres were handled, producing 400 to 500 litres of sesame oil (A.1.1.25). Almond oil, however, was imported, and this explains the modest quantities, listed here according to the documents described below and in descending order:
- twice 2 „jars“ (dug) of 30 sila/litres each (= 60 sila/litres); twice 1 „oil bottle“ (saman4) and 1 „oil flask“ (sab[glossary=sab]) (perhaps of 5 litres each); and 8, 3, and 2 ⅙ sila/litres, adding up to perhaps 153 ⅓ sila/litres of almond oil in documents from the Classical Sargonic period (ca. 2230-2180 BCE)
- 2 „large jars“ of 60 sila/litres each plus 30 sila/litres (= 150 sila/litres); twice 1 „oil bottle“ (saman4); and 10 and 3 sila/litres, thus a total of perhaps 173 litres of almond oil, in texts from Gudea’s palace (ca. 2140-2100 BCE).
Almond oil is mostly attested in jars, especially the typical saman4[glossary=saman4], “oil jars”. Not only were oils more often quantified according to their containers in the Sargonic and Lagash II periods (instead of the standard system of capacity measures), but this probably hints directly at the jars in which the almond oil was imported.
The rare almond oil did not occupy a firm position in the sequence of oils. Almond oil followed after scented oils in Sargonic Umma (BIN 08 318; BIN 08 339) and Lagaš II Girsu (RTC 109), but preceded scented oils in Sargonic Girsu (STTI 30). In Lagaš II Girsu, almond oil was listed after „butter“ (i3-nun) in Lagaš II (MVN 10 228), but aromatized almond oil preceded aromatized butter (RTC 215); aromatized almond oil was, as expected, listed before normal butter (AGGT 572, Lagaš II).
3. Usage of Almond Oil in the Sargonic and Lagash II Periods
Oil was mostly used for anointing persons in early Mesopotamia. All references for almond oil point in the same direction, and there is not a single reference for almond oil as a foodstuff or for a technical usage. Scented oil, qualified as i3 du10-ga in Sumerian, was used for skin care only, and almond oil was aromatized as well (AGGT 572 r. i 4-6; RTC 215). Furthermore, when almond oil appears together with scented oils, this speaks for its ultimate usage as an ointment for persons (BIN 08 318; STTI 30, RTC 109). One of the special occasions for the distribution of high-quality oils was festivals, and almond oil was distributed at festivals, either together with scented oils (BIN 08 339) or as only oil (BIN 08 296). Other transactions do not indicate the oil’s usage (CUSAS 26 204 r. 6-9, delivery MVN 10 228; transfer AO 03411). As a prestige good handled at the princely courts of the period, almond oil was sent together with fruit, honey and vegetables from eastern Garanene (IM 204816 = P513715), and in similar lists (ITT 5 6667; RTC 109).
4. First Testimony in the Middle Sargonic Period
The first testimony of almond oil seems to be a list belonging to the Middle Sargonic style (c.2280-2240 BCE; IM 204816), probably from the palace archive of the governor of Adab. Here appears a large amount of „almond oil“ (i3 ši-iq-dim), namely 2 “jars” (dug, each of probably 30 sila/litres), together with containers of wine/grapes, honey, figs and baskets with various fish, fruits and vegetables. These goods were sent by the „governor of Garanene“ (gara3-ne.neki), a town in Western Iran (see above), and this represents a clear indication of the origin of almond oil.
5. Attestations from Classical Sargonic Girsu and Umma (c. 2230-2180 BCE)
Two documents from the Classical Sargonic archive of the governor of Girsu (c. 2230-2180 BCE), the neighbouring province, attest to modest quantities of almond oil, in both instances in lists together with other prestige goods.
- 1 “oil bottle” (saman4) of five sila/litres and 1 “oil flask” (sab) of “almond oil” (i3 ši-iq-dum) together with various aromatized oils (STTI 30);
- 1 “oil bottle of almond oil” (i3 ši-iq-du2 saman4!(gan), ITT 5 6667:5) after dates, figs, grapes, and two unknown wooden items (ITT 5 6667:5; cited CAD Š/3 95 s.v. šiqdu 2. b)
In the governor’s archive at Girsu various kinds of oils are handled: in addition to “butter” (i3-nun) also “sesame oil” (i3-ĝeš), “lard” (i3 šaḫa2) and “sheep fat” (i3 udu), even listed side by side (STTI 26 i 13′-15′, quantities of 1, ½? and ⅓ sila/litre).
The Girsu references to “almond oil” seem to be related to the storage or the transport of various precious goods. The large quantity of “2 jars of almond oil” (2 dug i3 ši-iq-dum), probably corresponding to 60 sila/litres (or perhaps 40?), and exchanged against 9 sheep, appears in a single document in the Classical Sargonic Lugalra archive from the Girsu region (2205-2181 BCE); otherwise the document lists only groats and leaven for beer brewing (CUSAS 26 204 r.). The value of sheep is not well known, a single reference from Sargonic Girsu attests the price of ½ shekel of silver for 1 sheep (ITT 2 5804 r.1′), thus the 2 jars of probably 60 litres were worth 4.5 giĝ/shekels of silver; this is almost exactly the same price as one paid for olive oil (60 litres for 4 giĝ/shekels) a few decades later in Girsu (A.1.2.01 on Kaskal 15 11 03).
The Classical Sargonic group designated as “Umma C” (c. 2230-2180 BCE) includes a file of „fifty-nine records of oils, fats, and aromatics“ (Foster 1982: 116-123; group C.4.1.). The oils and fats are “butter” (i3-nun[glossary=i3-nun]), “sesame oil” (i3-ĝeš[glossary=i3-ĝeš]), “lard” (i3 šaḫa2[glossary=i3 šaḫa2]), and various “aromatized oils” (i3 du10-ga[glossary=i3 du10-ga]), including “oil (aromatized with) (white) cedar” (i3 eren (babbar)[glossary=i3 eren]) and “oil (with) ḫar-ra-num2” (i3 ḫar-ra-num2[glossary=ḫar-ra-num2], reading unknown, often read i3 mur-ra-num2). Both “white cedar” and ḫarranum are aromatics which were weighed (in giĝ/shekels and mana/minas) and thus represented solid substances to be added to a base oil (see the Sargonic list of aromatics TJAMC 65 49, probably from Umma). i3 ši-iq-dum “almond oil”, on the contrary, is a genuine oil pressed from almonds. It appears in three texts from the archive (BIN 08 296; BIN 08 318; BIN 08 339) in quantities of 2 ⅙, 3, and 8 sila/litres as expenditure for a festival or as „reserve“.
6. Attestations in the Lagash II Palace Archive from Girsu (ca. 2140-2100 BCE)
The largest amount of almond oil attested until now is the transfer of 150 sila/litres from Šara-isa, a central manager of the storerooms in the palace of the city-rulers of Girsu (i3 ši-iq-dim; AO 03411). The almond oil had previously reached the palace by trade or gift exchange and it was then further distributed to other destinations; here, the role of the recipient is unknown.
In this archive from the Girsu palace, almond oil was also „aromatized“ (i3 ši-iq-dim du10-ga[glossary=i3 ši-iq-dim du10-ga]) and listed together with aromatized „butter“ (i3-nun): one „oil-bottle“ (saman4) among expenditures from the already mentioned Šara-isa to various persons (RTC 215) and secondly 10 sila/litres among various goods, including textiles, apples or leather bags with objects, probably representing deliveries from various individuals; unfortunately the source of the almond oil is not preserved on the tablet (AGGT 572). The last two references from the palace of Gudea’s dynasty are a delivery of 3 sila/litres (MVN 10 228) and a list of different oils, including rare aromatized oils, and in addition to one oil bottle of almond oil (i3 ši-iq-dum saman4) the already mentioned unique designation of an oil as „sweet oil“ (i3 ma-at-qum[glossary=i3 ma-at-qum]; RTC 109).
7. Almond Oil in the Ur III Period?
Almond oil seems to disappear from the sources after Gudea’s dynasty (c. 2140-2100 BCE). The complete absence of šiqdum in the 100,000 published Ur III tablets compared to the five references in only 600 tablets from the Lagash II texts of Girsu impressively demonstrates the massive change. One reason for the importation of almond oil at Gudea’s palace may have been the very low amount of sesame oil (i3-ĝeš) available there: the largest quantity of sesame oil was 3 dug (= 90 sila/litres, ITT 4, 8166:1), and mostly small quantities appear in a dozen references. Was it possible to cover the need for vegetable oil with sesame oil by the Ur III period?
A parallel distribution has been observed for the imports of olive oil (i3 serdum) attested for Gudea’s dynasty, but not for the Ur III period (A.1.2.01). Olive oil was clearly imported from the Levant and Syria, and these import routes were apparently no longer active during the Ur III period. Although almonds grow in the Levant as well, the only reference to the origin of almond oil points to Western Iran, and thus the parallel case of olive oil cannot help to explain the absence of almond oil in the Ur III empire.
Therefore, another solution seems more probable at the moment, namely that in the Ur III period, „almond oil“ was not identified by the Akkadian word šiqdum, but was given a Sumerian descriptive name, similarly to how „sesame“ was called „oil from wood“ (i3-ĝeš). The best candidate for „almond oil“ is the term „fragrant oil“ (i3 ḫi-nun-na[glossary=i3 ḫi-nun-na] in Umma, i3 ir-nun[glossary=i3 ir-nun] in Ĝirsu) which in Ur III documents designates a genuine oil imported by merchants and thus probably stemming from Iran; instances of “fragrant oil” in earlier periods or in literary and lexical contexts may, however, be understood as an aromatized oil. The designation „fragrant oil“ is related to the sweet smell of almond oil. These two oils will be treated in Dossier A.1.3.02.
The only post-Lagaš II reference to „almond oil“ as i3 šiqdum is in a lexical word list, namely towards the end of the entries for i3 „oil“ in OB Nippur Ura (19th-18th centuries BCE), before the list switches to the „aromatics“ (šem) (edition MSL 11 121 section 7:1, entry 14; DCCLT has not yet provided a new edition of this section of Ura).
8. References to the Almond Tree in the Ur III and Old Babylonian Periods
The ĝeštukul si-ig-tum[glossary=si-ig-tum] known from Ur III Ur was understood as referring to šiqdum almond, „wooden almond-weapon“; but instead of being made of almond wood, one could suggest an almond-shaped mace (UET 3 1498 o.iv 8 and 19 and parallels) – if the word has anything to do with almond at all (note the writing with si instead of ši, as in the older sources). The „almond tree“ (ĝešši-iq-dum[glossary=ĝešši-iq-dum]) is attested at least once in an Old Babylonian lexical list, namely in OB Nippur Ura I 122 (DCCLT).
Gelb 1957: 283 s.v. ŠQD šiqdum „almond“ included references to two items which look similar to šiqdum, but are in fact not Sumerian loanwords, but unrelated terms: ĝešsi-ig (UET 3 379 r.2, see parallel UET 3 141 r.3) is first, a container which measures fruit and vegetables in Garšana, Girsu and Ur, and secondly a tool made of wood. ĝeš/gesi-ig-da is a container of around 10 sila/litres in Umma, used for transporting and measuring fruit.
In conclusion, one entry from a lexical list remains the sole certain reference to the almond tree from a period of a half a millennium (2110 to 1595 BCE).
9. A Note on Almonds and Nuts
Other terms considered by some Assyriologists to denote „almonds“ are the occasionally attested fruits and trees called ĝešlam[glossary=ĝešlam] (gal/tur „big“/“small“) and ĝešeš22[glossary=ĝešeš22](lam×kur), since they were both called not only lammu, a loanword from Sumerian lam, but secondarily also šiqdu[glossary=šiqdu] „almond“ in a first-millennium lexical list (Diri II 223f.). Focke 2015: 206-7 treats both signs (lam and lam×kur) as variants under the reading eš22(lam×kur) and understands this as „almond“. However, the Akkadian loanword lammu points to another Sumerian term lam besides eš22; the reading lam is confirmed by the variant form ĝešlam2 in the lexical list of trees, OB Ura I 23 (Veldhuis 1997: 168). Steinkeller 1992: 58-60 reviewed this group of terms and concluded that lam was a term for „almond“, thereby following the hint given by the late lexical list. However, the Akkadian translation šiqdu as a second term looks more like an explanation meaning that lam/eš22 fruits (or trees?) resembled almonds – in whatever regard. The variant lugₓ(lam) = luk’u, considered by Steinkeller 1992: 58-62 as well, is confined to a single reference from a lexical list from Boghazköy, and may thus be left out of from the discussion (Veldhuis 1997: 168). lammu, the main Akkadian term, is furthermore known as an explanation for various Sumerian tree names (CAD L 67), and this casts further serious doubt on an interpretation of lam = lammu as „almond“. And finally, the eš22/lam-fruits never appear as a source of oil as did šiqdum, and thus there remains no reliable evidence that the fruit-trees of the lam-group ever designated some taxa of almonds; they may instead have been words for kinds of terebinths, pistachios, or (other) nuts (Nesbitt/Postgate 2001). The eš22/lam-fruits were not relevant for vegetable oils, however.